PCD Journal
https://jurnal.ugm.ac.id/v3/PCD
<p><span style="font-weight: 400;">Power, Conflict and Democracy Journal (PCD Journal) is an initiative dedicated to advancing high-quality academic research and reports focused on the dynamics of power, conflict, and democracy in the Global South, with particular emphasis on South and Southeast Asia. The journal prioritizes themes such as rights-based democratic practices, popular representation, and participatory public policy. Recognizing the significant scarcity of scholarly publishers in this region and thematic area—partly attributable to geographic biases in international publishing, PCD Journal aims to address and transform this imbalance. The initiative primarily operates within the social sciences, encompassing subfields including political science, human geography, and political anthropology. We encourage scholars and experts engaged in related topics to contribute their research and insights in a spirit of academic equality. All submissions to PCD Journal undergo a rigorous peer review process conducted by an international panel of academics and specialists. </span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">PCD Journal was first issued in 2009 by the Department of Politics and Government at Universitas Gadjah Mada (DPP UGM), bearing the registration numbers <a href="https://portal.issn.org/resource/ISSN/2085-0433">ISSN 2085-0433</a> for print and <a href="https://portal.issn.org/resource/ISSN/2085-0441">ISSN 2085-0441</a> for its online edition. Initially, the journal was established as part of the “Power, Conflict, and Democracy” project under the Global South-Global North network, which included Universitas Gadjah Mada (Indonesia), the University of Colombo (Sri Lanka), and the University of Oslo (Norway). This network also comprised Demos Indonesia (the Indonesian Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Studies), the Social Scientists’ Association of Sri Lanka, and the International Centre for Ethnic Studies in Sri Lanka.</span></p> <p><span style="font-weight: 400;">The journal’s administration was originally managed by the Centre for Southeast Asian Social Studies (CESASS) UGM and is currently managed by PolGov (Research Centre for Politics and Government), a research and publication arm within DPP UGM. Over time, the journal has reached several important milestones; notably, in 2018, it was indexed in the Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ) and attained a national accreditation rating of SINTA 3. In 2020, the journal updated its website and editorial format, introducing a layout that prioritizes accessibility and readability.</span></p>PCD Press, Department of Politics and Government - Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Madaen-USPCD Journal2085-0433Reclaiming Spaces from the Margins
https://jurnal.ugm.ac.id/v3/PCD/article/view/23243
<p><em>This article explores the social production of participatory spaces, its effect on the participatory mechanisms, and how marginali</em><em>s</em><em>ed groups could reshape these spaces to claim their rights. The issue of housing the poor in Indonesia has rarely been a participatory process and is dominated by state-led evictions and government-controlled public housing. A recent initiative proposed by urban poor social movements, termed </em>kampung susun<em> attempted to shift decision-making and empower the marginali</em><em>s</em><em>ed. Despite early successful attempts, not all have managed to deliver changes smoothly. This article aims to investigate how these spaces of participation could fail to achieve transformative results and what kinds of opportunities exist for reclaiming decisive participation. The study argues that existing power relations and prevailing political culture of the local bureaucracy, state-owned company, and even within the urban poor hinders attempts at delivering the desired outcome for the movement. Nevertheless, avenues of reshaping spaces still exist through electoral institutions and the act of creating their own spaces of engagement.</em></p>Faza Siddiq
Copyright (c) 2026 PCD Journal
2026-05-222026-05-2214114010.22146/pcd.v14i1.23243Algorithmic Governmentality and the Construction of Political Truth
https://jurnal.ugm.ac.id/v3/PCD/article/view/26614
<p><em>The shift in political campaigning style ahead of the 2024 election has been largely driven by technological advancements. Candidates increasingly utilised social media, particularly TikTok, to attract the attention of Gen Z and Millennial voters. This study aims to examine how the TikTok algorithm functioned as a political marketing strategy for the Prabowo</em>–<em>Gibran pair and to analyse the power relations embedded within their digital campaign. Employing a qualitative methodology the research uses content analysis techniques underpinned by Michel Foucault’s perspective on discourse theory. Were gathered through a literature review and observation of TikTok content. While content analysis identifies specific campaign patterns and strategies, the Foucauldian lens reveals the power relations operating within algorithmic mechanisms. The findings demonstrate that the Prabowo</em>–<em>Gibran campaign used the ‘gemoy’ dance, viral jingles, and AI-generated cartoons to engage young voters. Through discourse practices that shape a new </em><em>‘</em><em>regime of truth</em><em>’</em><em>, the ‘reversal to real’ strategy successfully transformed Prabowo’s public persona from a stern military figure into a populist one. Furthermore, the power relations within Jokowi’s political network were widely disseminated via TikTok, with algorithms serving as a ‘technology of power’ that governed voter preferences and contributes to the pair’s victory.</em></p>Athira Zahroh Firdausi Ramadhani
Copyright (c) 2026 PCD Journal
2026-05-222026-05-22141418010.22146/pcd.v14i1.26614Rage with the Machine: When Cyber Troops Oppose the Regime
https://jurnal.ugm.ac.id/v3/PCD/article/view/29146
<p><em>The advent of social media has brought political conversations and activities into the cyber world. One consequence of this is the emergence of cyber troops: special cyber forces that aim to manipulate public opinion on social media. These cyber troops are usually hired by political or economic entities to serve their interests. However, the concept of ludic cybermilitia challenges this, suggesting that cyber troops are not solely controlled by political and economic entities. According to this concept, cyber troops are independent actors engaged in a form of privatised violence. This study builds on findings relating to the hashtags #SaveKIPKuliah and #SavePulauGebe, which oppose political and economic actors. Similarities in content and posting patterns between the tweets suggest that the two hashtags represent coordinated attacks. Based on these findings, the study proposes that cyber troops may also resist political and economic actors through privatised violence.</em></p>Fandy Arrifqi
Copyright (c) 2026 PCD Journal
2026-07-032026-07-031418111510.22146/pcd.v14i1.29146Clean Energy vis-à-vis Capital Extraction
https://jurnal.ugm.ac.id/v3/PCD/article/view/26878
<p>This article examines the paradoxical aspects of the Arjuno-Welirang geothermal project in Batu City, which, due to its exploitative nature, has the potential to threaten the availability of springs. Theoretically, the study employs Social Conflict Theory (SCT) and a political economy approach to analyse how energy transition projects operate according to the logic of capital accumulation. Using a qualitative case study method involving field observations of residents' advocacy against the project in Batu City, as well as a literature review, the study finds that the Arjuno-Welirang project is deeply entrenched in the dynamics of an infrastructure alliance (comprising the state, financial institutions and corporations), which functions as a specific manifestation of a dominant social alliance. This alliance strategically utilises the narrative of a green energy transition to facilitate an extractive project that endangers the material foundation of local communities. In response, the mobilisation of Batu residents constitutes anticipatory grassroots resistance organised as a material struggle to defend their ecological commons and water resources from the monopolistic threats posed by energy capitalism.</p>Dhien Favian
Copyright (c) 2026 PCD Journal
2026-07-092026-07-0914111716610.22146/pcd.v14i1.26878Consolidating Wealth and Power
https://jurnal.ugm.ac.id/v3/PCD/article/view/26504
<p><em>This study examines how the Basalamah family business was strengthened using political and social strategies. A qualitative method and case study approach was used for data collection, involving observation, in-depth interviews and documentation. Unlike previous business and political studies, this paper considers social capital as well as economic capital. This study complements political economy literature by demonstrating the influence of economic, political and religious identity forces on business and politics at the local level. The political strategy employed involved building a patronage network with local political elites, such as the Regent of Banyumas under the leadership of Joko Sudantoko, Aris Setiono and Mardjoko, and entering the world of practical politics by holding strategic positions in the Banyumas Regency Regional House of Representatives (Regency Council). Both strategies are important because informal connectivity is needed to build relationships with local political elites and to become directly involved in politics (i.e. policy-making) for the sake of business interests. The social strategy employed was to strengthen social networks and reinforce the religious social space through the Al-Irsyad Al-Islamiyyah social foundation in Purwokerto. This social strategy strengthens the bond between economic and political forces in perpetuating their business interests while safeguarding ethnic identity.</em></p>Tika Mardianti Lestari
Copyright (c) 2026 PCD Journal
2026-07-222026-07-2214116719810.22146/pcd.v14i1.26504