Technology Negotiation in Dangdut Koplo’s Ecosystem and Practices

This article deals with the negotiation between the subgenre of Dangdut and technology. In this article, I articulate how agents of Dangdut Koplo use digital technology and how digital technology affects Dangdut Koplo’s ecosystem, cultural, and social practices. It is necessary to discuss Dangdut Koplo because it has several practices that are impacted by technology. Their practices elaborate on how society negotiated the use of technology. Dangdut koplo is one of the regional dangdut (dangdut daerah) subgenres that has developed in Indonesia, particularly East Java. Dangdut koplo emerged in the 1990s in Jarak Street, Surabaya, East Java. Furthermore, I will refer to two moments that demonstrated the impact of technology on the subgenre: first, the local people’s activation of the local recording industry, and second, the activation of the internet and digital platforms by local people. I will elaborate on these to show the negotiation pattern between technology and their music, Dangdut Koplo. At the first moment, technological advances made people develop their local industries. The existence of local industries changed their economic and cultural patterns. Furthermore, middlemen in the music industry that Jakarta previously monopolized shifted to their surroundings. As a result, they could activate and directly control their economy and society. Then, the first moment developed rapidly in the second moment, when the internet changed society’s social, economic, and cultural patterns. The internet allowed everyone to distribute their work. They could directly access consumers without the role of the previous middleman. Melayu Orchestra does not need a local music label or distributor with a solid fan base. They could distribute their works on the internet and digital platforms. This technological impact meant the Melayu Orchestra could compete with the local recording industry and vice versa. This pattern also changed their production processes, where digital needs made daily impressions, the development of Melayu orchestra personas on gadget screens, etc. Based on these developments, I elaborated on these questions: How did the ecosystem changes and its relationships impact the dangdut community? How is the dangdut community negotiating with technology? Utilizing digital data and observation data (obtained in 2017), I articulate how technological developments changed society’s ecosystem and practice; and how society deals with technology.


INTRODUCTION
attempted to provide a way to communicate all musical performance features digitally (Hahn, 2020). So the group can combine the music with manual instruments and MIDI sound during live performances. The negotiation in MIDI sound is the type of music that they use. Edy Sonata uses the bamboo sound-that he recorded by himself as MIDI.
Edy said I thought the sound of bamboo was good, so I recorded the bamboo sound by myself because it was hard to find an expert these days (pers. comm., 6 September 2017).
In short, Edy did not only follow the default sounds of the MIDI but also put other sounds that he needed.
Another example is video recording.  (2009, p. 15), also noted several actions that blamed Inul Daratista because of the dance; (2) There were no new song compositions of the subgenre. The Melayu Orchestra in East Java only performs the music without the tendency of composing a new song. The Melayu Orchestra in East Java is considered a plagiarist because they do not compose new songs and only play existing ones. Raditya and Simatupang (2018)   I will discuss those two moments with the mediatization theory written by media scholar Couldry (2008). He writes,

Another Story of Dangdut Koplo
Dangdut Koplo is a variant of dangdut music developed in East Java-at the regional level. Some other regional Dangdut include Like father like son, Dangdut Koplo also uses the same musical formula, which combines popular music. Dangdut is also doing the same thing: combining Malay music with popular music genres from the 1960s to the 1970s, such as Indian music, Middle Eastern music, Arabic music, and Western music (see Frederick, 1982, p. 109). In the Dangdut Koplo dictionary, this pattern is called "oplosan" (oplosan is mixing one or more materials to get the best formula). However, Dangdut Koplo combines Dangdut music with other musical elements developed at East Java's regional level.
There were also several adjustments to Dangdut Koplo. Ethnomusicologist Weintraub (2010) writes: These forms of regional dangdut are sung in regional languages and are The emergence of regional Dangdut is engaging because they copied Jakarta's Dangdut and interpreted the Dangdut in the local context, such as language and musical references, tones, and musical instruments.
That is the reason why regional Dangdut is segmented. Weintraub (2010) wrote, "Regional dangdut is marketed to people of specific ethnic groups" (p. 204). Furthermore, the use of regional languages and musical elements close to the community is essential in presenting to (as well as representing) their fans.    A producer can be a Melayu Orchestra or Music Studio (music publisher) located at the regional level. Apart from producers, distribution issues also affect several agents, Figure 1 The Dangdut Koplo's products Source: Michael H.B. Raditya, July 2017 such as middlemen. Krakovsky (2015) wrote, "A middleman is different because he or she will buy a particular type of good all the time.
As a result, a middleman has an incentive to make a large investment in skills that enable him to detect a product's true quality" (p. 58).
This explanation is the basis for categorizing VCD and DVD sellers as middlemen because they also look for good items to sell.
Moreover, many sellers choose production goods that are more legally clear.  to Sahlins (1974, p. 195), there are three kinds of reciprocity: generalized, balanced, and negative. Negative reciprocity is another word for market exchange. Sahlins writes that general reciprocity exists because of closeness (e.g., motherchild, siblings) without controlling rules or law, while proportional reciprocity occurs because certain rules and laws govern a comparable exchange (Hudayana, 1991(Hudayana, , pp. 2628.
Furthermore, these two types of reciprocity are intertwined between producer and middleman. However, they used "close people" or "our people." The reason is that they may be related because they are both Jombang indigenes. The similarity between these entities is that they can communicate with various waivers. For example, producers can deposit their goods with the middleman for sale; the middleman can pay when the goods are sold, etc. This pattern indicates general reciprocity, but sometimes this mode also changes to "comparable reciprocity," especially for some sellers who supply many goods from various Melayu Orchestra.
The VCD and DVD seller makes me believe that the middleman has moved from the center to be close to them. This closeness becomes an exciting pattern that emerges due to technological developments.
As a result, they can activate and directly control their economy and society. They  Some singers try to make vlogs (left on Figure   3), interviews with dangdut figures (right on