Youth Language , Gaul Sociability , and the New Indonesian Middle Class *

This article examines the linguistic form and social functions of bahasa gaul, the informal Indonesian “language of sociability,” as it is used among Indonesian university students and in various publications aimed at middle-class Indonesian youth. Bahasa gaul registers youth modernity in both its positive and more contested aspects. It expresses not only young people’s aspirations for social and economic mobility, but also an increasingly cosmopolitan, national youth culture. Perhaps most signifi cantly, bahasa gaul articulates the desire of Indonesian youth for new types of social belonging through the formulation of relationships that are more egalitarian and interactionally fl uid as well as more personally expressive and psychologically individualized.


S
ince the fall of the New Order regime in the spring of 1998, a new Indonesian youth language has captured public attent ion and has become a lightning rod for the latest social trends.Bahasa gaul, literally' social language' or the 'lan guage of sociability', is a speech variety associated with Indonesian youth and based on Indonesia's national language, bahasa Indonesia.Among Indonesian university students bahasa gaul functions as a type of slang, "the ever-changing and fashionable vocabulary of sociability that students use casually with one another" (Eble 1996:1).The casual language of Indonesian student sociability borrows from other informal Indonesian speech varieties, including Jakartan Indonesian/Jakartan Malay and the cant of gangsters and criminals (bahasa prokem), but expresses the particular experiences, preoccupations, and aspirations of the current generation of Indonesian youth.
Like the slang used by American college students, bahasa gaul emphasizes a shared social identity and sense of belonging among its speakers.It speaks to solidarity rather than status differentials and to a shared positive value placed on cool and occasionally ironic distan cing from the formality and hierarchy of an earlier genera tion.Gaul differs from American college slang, however, in the degree to which it is oriented both "upward," expressing aspirations for social and economic mobility, and "outward," expressing an increasingly cos mopolitan, Indonesian youth culture.Perhaps most signifi cantly gaul articulates the desire of Indonesian youth for new types of social identifi cations through the formulation of relationships that are more egalitarian and interactionally fl uid, as well as more personal ly expressive and psy chologically individualized.
This article examines the linguistic forms and social meanings of the informal language of sociability used among Indonesian university students and in various pub lications aimed at educated, middle-class youth.The research presented here is part of a larger ethnographic project on Indonesian youth and social change.During an eight month period in 1999 and fi ve subsequent month-long visits between 2001 and 2006, I conducted some 200 interviews and participated in innumerable informal dis cussions with young people on issues pertaining to their lives and experience.In the course of that investigation, I collected several hundred gaul words and expressions within the context of their use.I then crossreferenced them with other available lists and with slang usages in youth publications, including magazines, newspaper advice columns, and self-help books.Periodically, I took my fi ndings back to stu dents and asked them to indicate those words and expressions they used regularly, those they considered gaul (even if they didn't use them themselves), and those they felt were not gaul or were no longer gaul.Determining what is or is not gaul is of course a slippery slope, as an important part of gaul's appeal, and of slang's appeal more generally, lies in its up-to-date or contemporary character.Gaul, like American college slang, is constantly changing as new words or expressions become popular and others fall out of use. 1ahasa gaul registers youth modernity in both its positive and more contested aspects.Its metapragmatic multivocality and competing ideological valences are central to an understanding of its social role and linguistic value.As a form of slang, bahasa gaul has been disparaged by some Indonesian observers as "ruining good and proper Indonesian."Its critics argue that that gaul will corrupt the integrity of the standard and limit the linguistic creativity of youth (cf. Sarjono 2004;Suara Merdeka 2004;Direktorat Pendidikan Menengah Umum n.d.) -to say nothing of the countercul tural values associated with its use.In the relaxed social language of university stu dents, however, there is little evidence that gaul is created in special or unfamiliar ways.On the contrary, gaul follows quite regular language patterns in forming new words and in adapting dialectal and foreign word borrowings and does not violate the grammatical patterns of informal, spoken Indonesian.Moreover, in infusing Indonesian with a liveliness, emotional expres sivity, and cosmopolitan cachet, bahasa gaul may in fact be increasing the appeal of the national language to young people across Indonesia's diverse ethnic groups, further eroding the position of regional languages as the codes of informal, in group interactions.

'Good and Proper Indonesian'
The nation of Indonesia encompasses some fourteen thousand islands from Sumatra in the west to West Papua (Irian Jaya) in the east.With over 234 million inhabitants, Indonesia is the largest Muslim-majority country and the fourth most populous nation in the world.Estimates of the number of languages spoken in Indonesia vary considerably; however, "a fi gure of 550, one tenth of all the languages of the world, is not excessive" (Sneddon 2003:5).Indonesia's national language and the country's sole offi cial language (bahasa Indonesia) is based on a variety of Malay.Indonesian was declared the language of national unity in 1928 at a youth congress in Batavia, then capital of the Dutch East Indies.Young nationalists pledged the celebrated 'Oath of Youth' (Sumpah Pemuda) which re cognized a 'unifi ed [Indonesian] people' (satu bangsa), speaking 'one [Indo nesian] language' (satu bahasa) in a 'single [Indonesian] home land' (satu nusa) (Errington 2000:208).In the fi rst decades of the twentieth century, Indonesian was the mother tongue of no more than fi ve percent of the population (Sneddon 2003:105).Today, in what is widely acclaimed as a remarkable political and linguistic achievement, the number of Indonesians who can speak their national language is well over 90 percent (Errington 1998:2;Sneddon 2003:11).The achievement is all the more remarkable inasmuch as Indonesia is a multilingual and multi ethnic nation, one in which the majority of Indonesians grow up speaking a regional or ethnic language as their mother tongue and as the lan guage of ingroup interactions.
The spread of Indonesian as the national language is widely associated with the often heavy-handed nation-making policies of the New Order state which governed Indonesia from 1966 to 1998 (Anderson 1966;Errington 1998;Liddle 1988).Language stan dardization was implemented as one aspect of the government's ambitious development project.Within the context of state 'developmentalism' (pembangunan) great emphasis was placed on Indonesian's role as an instrument of modernization and nationmaking; conversely, less attention was paid to Indonesian's communica tive function and cultural meanings (Heryanto 1990).Perhaps not surprisingly gov ernment efforts at language planning and standardization focused on formal Indonesian and ignored informal varieties, denigrated as the antithesis of 'good and proper Indonesian' (bahasa yang baik dan benar).The Australian linguist James Sneddon (2003:17-18; see also Erring ton 1998) goes so far as to posit the "essentially diglossic" nature of Indonesian, pointing to the signifi cant differences between the formal stan dard and colloquial varieties of everyday spoken Indonesian and the rigid compart mentalization of their corresponding functions and contexts of use.
Formal Indonesian is learned almost ex clu sively in school and is associated with print publications, government pronounce ments, and offi cial media, but is not used in everyday, informal interactions.It has been described as stiff, turgid, and "soulless," and as too impersonal and humorless to ever function as a language of every day, social life (Anderson 1966:105-106;Peacock 1973:9).Young people who grew up under the New Order report their experience of formal, schooled, Indonesian as an offi cial voice of the bureaucracy and political elite, as something distant and distinct from their everyday experience."My generation," a young Indonesian critic writes, "was taught to see everything in standardized and uniform form" (Swastika 2003:7).
Arguments surrounding Indonesian's alie nation from its speech community, however, have typically focused on formal, bureaucratic Indonesian, and have dis count ed the widespread existence of informal Indo nesian varieties.In contrast to the school-based formal standard (bahasa baku), informal Indonesian, sometimes referred to as bahasa sehari-hari ('everyday language'), is learned outside of school through daily interactions and is often infl ected with linguistic elements which refl ect the regional language backgrounds of its speakers.Informal Indonesian is used to express familiarity and solidarity, especially but not only, between individuals who speak different regional languages and in situations of status ambiguity (d. Tanner 1972:133).Among university students, informal Indonesian is used in informal student gatherings, in interactions between students from different ethnic backgrounds, and with younger professors or instructors who are Western-educated or with whom one is on friendly footing.In urban areas, informal Indonesian competes with regional and ethnic languages.In the nation's capital, Jakarta, informal Jakartan Indonesian is the dominant speech variety in all but the most formal contexts, and migrants to the capital not uncommonly lose their regional language and begin to speak the Jakartan dialect of Indonesian within a generation or two (Sneddon 2003:11; see also Oetomo 1990).
Bahasa gaul is an informal register of everyday Indonesian which borrows heavily from the Jakartan dialect of Indonesian to articulate an attitude of casual ease and cool cosmopolitanism.Indonesian students identify it as a form of sleng/slenk or slang ('slang'), itself a foreign language borrowing that hints at knowledge of the latest trends.Gaul's speakers deliberately strike an attitude of playful disregard for the social strictures and status differentials of formal Indonesian, distancing themselves from what they perceive as the stiffness and infl exibility of the offi cial standard.Gaul, with its focus on interactional fl exibility and relaxed informality, hints at the more inclusive aspirations of a current generation of speakers who came of age in the optimistic era of '[democratic] reform' (reformasi).

Gaul Ideology
Gaul ideology articulates a rejection of what is viewed as the previous generation's orientation toward patrimonialism, formality, and fi xed social hierarchy.This out dated orientation is jokingly referred to by students with the New Order acronym ABS (asal bapak senang) 'as long as the boss/ dad/the man in charge is happy', and occasionally with the more academic bapakisme (literally 'father-ism').An index of gaul's rebellious undercurrent is the incorporation into gaul slang of many words from bahasa prokem.Prokem is a Jakartan slang or cant identifi ed with the world of criminals and gangs.In its origins, prokem is a secret language, used to discuss the illegal activities of a narrowly delimited and proscribed group.Henri Chambert-Loir (1984:105) hypothesizes that elements of bahasa prokem fi rst began to appear in the language of young people in Jakarta in the late 1970s.Borrowings from prokem can still be found in contemporary youth slang (among them giting 'high, drunk'; jiper 'afraid'; and cimeng 'marijuana') and speak to gaul's illicit and dangerous roots. 2espite its countercultural orientation, bahasa gaul cannot be understood as a full blown anti-language in Michael Halliday's (1976) sense of the term, nor as what Marcyliena Morgan (2002) has called a counterlanguage.An anti-language indexes the value system of anti-society (a society set up within another society as a con scious alternative to it); a counter-language speaks to a widely shared (counter-)cul tural ideology developed in response to a history of subjugation.Halliday, for example, describes prisons as antisocieties that may develop anti-languages which directly oppose dominant institutional norms.Morgan (2002:23) describes African American English (AAE) as a counterlanguage marked by strategies of indirectness characteristic of African languages which allow its speakers to maintain an impor tant mea sure of social face and agency in face-toface encounters.
Gaul, by contrast, is not normally used in face-to-face encounters with adults or older people who are not assumed to share the same youth values or orientation.Neither is gaul some kind of secret code used to disguise the discussion of taboo or unacceptable topics in the presence of adults.In most instances the number of gaul items in a single utterance is fairly limited and meaning is typically clear from the context.Utterances made up entirely of gaul items are unusual even in the relaxed conversation of students.When they do occur, it is usually for the purpose of parody or dramatic effect.
As is true of language ideologies more generally (Irvine and Gal 2000:35), the ideology of gaul sociability poses bahasa gaul in opposition to the other varieties with which it contrasts in the larger sociolinguistic fi eldmost notably, the Indonesian standard, but also regional varieties labeled kampungan ('rustic, bumpkinish') and medok ('heavily accented').Rural, regional dialects are widely stereotyped by the media and by middle-class youth as unsophisticated and plodding, the antithesis of gaul's easy fl uency and selfconfi dence.This stereotype of 'provincial insecurity' (minder, kurang percaya diri) and 'lack of experience' (kurang pengalaman) explains in part the appeal of gaul sociability among students from rural backgrounds, particu larly those from rural Muslim boarding schools (pesantren).Gaul's associations with a modem cosmopolitanism and social sophis tication are summed up in the following comment made by a fi rst-year student of Indonesian language and literature.
Gaul means someone who is self-assured and good at adapting socially.A kid who can talk to older people or to people from the village or to city people or modern people is a gaul kid.They're 'up-to-date' (tidak ketinggalan jaman), developed, and 'advanced' (maju).Gaul is modern.I think whoever or whatever is not gaul is just not modern.
In this way and others, gaul ideology is very much a product of contemporary polit ical and social developments which have dramatically altered Indonesian defi nitions of youth.

Youth Culture and Social Change
In December of 1998 I returned to Java after a 13 year absence to conduct research on youth and social change in the south-central Javanese city of Yogyakarta.Yogyakarta is home to dozens of high schools and more than one hundred colleges and univer sities; it also hosts a wide variety of Muslim and non-Muslim religious institutions.Young people come to Yogyakarta from across the country seeking an education.Others come looking for work in the service industry or in the factories which lie on the outskirts of the city.I fi rst encountered the term gaul as a label for a new social category in my initial discussions with young people concerning the spectacular increase in the number of modern malls, clothing boutiques, movie theaters, and cafes which had sprung up in Yogyakarta since I had lived there in 1985.Along with these modern developments was the very visible appearance of a particular group of young people who fre quented them.These young people, most of them males, dressed in Western-style jeans and in tee-shirts with logos like Marlboro, Nike, and Levis.They socialized in small groups, playing the pinball machines and electronic games on the smoky uppermost fl oors of the mall and chatting up the foreigners in the cafes, hoping to improve their English, bum a cigarette, or possibly begin a relationship.Though fewer in number, there were similar groups of young women-some of whom dressed in a manner that suggested sexual availability in a way that contrasted sharply with the more modest Muslim dress of the university students I spent my days interviewing."Oh those people," I was told, "Those are anak gaul," literally, 'social kids'.On further questioning, the category expanded to include not only mall rats but also street kids, runaways, druggies, and suspected prostitutes.Gaul then seemed to be used to refer to an illicit sociability, something over the top, excessive, too familiar, and verging on dangerous-socially and sexually.
The presence of anak gaul in the malls and cafes, in urban shopping districts and around tourist hotels in Yogyakarta, was just one indication of a new and widely expanded category of Indonesian youth that had emerged in the 1980s and 1990s under the "New Order" of President Suharto.In May of 1998, after 32 years in offi ce, Suharto had fi nally been forced out of offi ce and his New Order government offi cially ended.Indonesian youth had played a vocal and visible role in the political struggle which led to the president's removal, a role which has given young people a new social and political prominence (Kraince 2003;Madrid 1999;Rahmat and Najib 2001).
Although the New Order regime was politically authoritarian, state programs implemented under Suharto contributed sig nifi cantly to the reformulation of youth identity.Defi ned as the socially constructed period between childhood and adult hood, the category of youth is linked cross-culturally to lengthy schooling and thus prolonged dependence on parents, to distinct patterns of consumption and leisure, and to "modern" courtship and dating particularly as related to self-choice of mari tal partner (Robinson and Utomo 2003:5).These aspects of youth culture underwent far-reaching transformation under the New Order as a result of state policies related to universal education and population regulation (Smith-Hefner 2006).
During the 1970s and 1980s the New Order government drew on windfall oil profi ts to expand educational opportunities through out Indonesia (Hefner 1990;G. Jones 1994;Robinson 2000).Identifying education as crucial for human resource develop ment as well as national development, the government undertook an ambitious pro gram of school construction and made primary education compulsory fi rst through grade six and later through grade nine (Johnson, Gaylord and Chamberland 1993:8;Robinson and Utomo 2003:6).Between 1965 and 1990, the percentage of young adults with basic literacy skills skyrocketed from 40 to 90 percent.The percentage of youths completing senior high school grew from four percent to more than 30 percent today (Hefner 2000:17).These educational reforms have effected a shift in the public perception of youth as inextricably linked to schooling.
State policies regarding population regu la tion and marriage have also impacted Indonesian defi nitions of youth.In 1975 the government implemented new marriage legislation which set the minimum age for marriage as 16 for women and 19 for men.
It also "enshrined the principle that the consent of both parties must be obtained prior to marriage" (Robinson and Utomo 2003:6).The new marriage legislation was linked to the anti-natalist policies of the New Order which saw population as a threat to its developmentist ambitions.The new laws specifying minimum ages for mar riage were aimed at regulating and limiting fertility.In conjunction with educational reforms, they have had the effect of signifi cantly prolonging the period of time between the onset of puberty and marriage.
During this same period, New Order economic policies resulted in the availability of new employment opportunities for young people with the requisite skills in light industry, the greatly expanded civil service, and in the service sector.Today even many factory jobs and service positions require at least a high school diploma.The possibility of obtaining a well-paying job and a foothold in the emerging middle class has served as an incentive for parents to keep their children in school.Lower child mortality rates and smaller family size have gone hand in hand with a more intensive focus on the talents and potential of individual children, both male and female, and a willingness on the part of parents to make economic sacrifi ces for the education of the next generation (cf.Lubis and Niehof 2003).
In the past, young people stayed under the close supervision of parents until they were old enough to marry.Parents oversaw their children's social lives, made their educational choices, and arranged their marriages.Because of new educational and employment opportunities, today it is increasingly common for young people to leave home at adolescence or shortly thereafter for school or work (G.Jones 1994;Smith-Hefner 2005).On job sites and in university towns, they often live with other young people in dormitories or boarding houses with little or no adult supervision.One effect of these developments is that young people today experience increased opportunities to meet and interact with members of the opposite sex without direct adult oversight, a situation which has caused great anxiety for Indonesian parents.Parental concern has been exacerbated by public moral panics provoked in part by the mass media.The media has regularly featured sensationalist allegations of pre marital cohabitation, high school call-girls and coed prostitutes, skyrocketing rates of premarital abortions, and such widespread sexual activity on college campuses that 'lover 97 per cent of coeds are no longer virgins" (Straits Times Indonesia Bureau 2002 ;Wijayanto 2003aWijayanto , 2003bWijayanto , 2003c;;see also, Radar Jogja 2002).
The emergence of a new youth culture infl uenced by Western and East Asian pat terns of social interaction and musical, fashion, and consumption tastes has only added to existing concerns about youth morality.Foreign investment, tourism and information technologies have also facilitated culture fl ows that have proved diffi cult for parents and public authorities to monitor and control.Initially the New Order government tried to limit and censor the media, particularly fi lms and televi sion programming.However, these policies slackened in the face of protests by well -connected media entrepreneurs (among them Suharto's own family members), who called for and won a measure of media liberali zation as well as a heightened role for private investment capital (Robinson and Utomo 2003:7-8; see also Sen and Hill 2000;Sutton 2003).
The new youth culture has not gone unchallenged.Many of the same social and economic conditions that have allowed for the development of a "Westernized" youth culture also opened the way for a more socially and religiously conservative Muslim resurgence.At colleges and universities across Indonesia, Muslim student organiza tions have expanded their membership and visibility.Conservative groups encourage young people to resist the infl uence of corrupting Western fashions and consumption and to emulate religious models of modesty and piety.On high school and college campuses, increasing numbers of young women have taken up the veil; a smaller number has even adopted full chador (Brenner 1996;Smith-Hefner 2007).Alongside more Westernized styles of social interaction and dating, new conservative Muslim social styles have developed which reject dating as sinful and promote a pattern of courtship which foregoes premarital familiarization completely (Smith-Hefner 2005).
Regardless of the depth of their religious engagement, however, as a result of a broadly shared social and political formation, youth in contemporary Indonesia see themselves as actively engaged in a new and modern Indonesian project in which national develop ment and personal development are closely linked.Social observers of the new Indonesian middle class have remarked that a striking characteristic of the new middleclass culture is the conviction that the future of Indonesia depends on individuals shaping themselves through self-cultivation and selffashioning (C.Jones 2003:190-91;Lindquist 2002).A parallel orientation has been identifi ed among Indonesian homosexuals in their efforts to achieve an upwardly mobile subjectivity, an orientation which Tom Boellstorff dubs "person as project" and elsewhere, "personhood-as-career" (Boellstorff 2004(Boellstorff ,2005)).
A subtle indication of this new orientation emerged in my discussions with young people concerning their aspirations for the future.Whereas in the early 1980s young people echoed their parents' hopes that they would grow up and simply menjadi orang, 'become someone' (literally, 'become a person'), in the late 1990s young peo ple had borrowed Western pop-psychological and self-help idioms to speak of 'selfactualization' (mengaktualisasikan diri), 'cul ti vating [their] potential' (menggali potensi saya), and even 'optimalizing [their] aptitude' (ngoptimalin bakat saya).This new proj ect of personal development and selfdiscovery has typically involved a rejection of regional styles perceived as kampungan ('rural, unsophisticated') and feodal ('feudal, hierarchical') (cf.C. Jones 2004).In their place, youthful proponents of the new mid dle class have adopted a more cosmopolitan style of speech and behavior to index a familiarity with "modern" trends and a capacity for communication across social groupings.

From the Margins to Middle class
As I continued my research over the next several years, it became clear that gaul is not merely a term of social approbation used in reference to marginals and delinquents; in fact, I found it was increasingly referenced in youth interactions and in the print and electronic media in a strikingly positive manner.The term kuper, which has gaul as its root (an abbreviation for the phrase kurang pergaulan 'unsophisticated, lacking in social experience'),3 was ubiquitous in my conversations with college stu dents, and also began to appear regularly in magazines and on radio and television programs as a focus of discussions on Indonesian youth.Being labeled or perceived as kuper (or worse, as someone who nggak gaul 'doesn't [know how to] socialize') was clearly something students tried anxiously to avoid.Kuper, not unlike the English slang terms "loser" or "dweeb ," is widely identifi ed as the antithesis of the selfconfi dent, socially fl exible, and cosmopolitan gaul image to which the newest members of the Indonesian middle class aspire.
Critical to gaul's spread and popularity have been the expansion of the Indonesian media, a post-New Order publishing boom, and the general atmosphere of media liberalization which came with Suharto's fall.As is true of youth culture in the U.S. and elsewhere, the Indonesian media have been both an imitator and initiator of youth language. 4In the mid-1990s, MTV arrived in Indonesia under broadcast license to the local television station AN-TV (Swastika 2003:13; see also Sutton 2003).Even before that time, a signifi cant proportion of middle and upper-middle class Indonesians living in urban areas had access to MTV programs through the use of parabola antennas to receive satellite broadcast.Although few of the young people I interviewed viewed MTV on anything resembling a regular basis, the informal, direct, and expressive style of the young announcers or VJs (video jockeys) who introduce songs and act as commentators on MTV quickly became the model for television and radio announcers on other stations.By the late 1990s, the cool speech style of popular VJs like Sarah Sechan, who mixes Jakartan Indonesian with English language borrowings and the latest hip expressions, had become a requirement for the MCs of programs for young audiences, rapidly increasing the spread and popu larity of bahasa gaul (Swastika 2003:13).
Even more critical to gaul's spread has been the spectacular increase in the numbers of publishing houses which has occurred since the fall of the New Order.These new publishers have created a fl urry of youth publications which have fl ooded the market, all competing to establish a readership.In their attempts to appeal to a young audience, many of these books are written in casual gaul style-often with gaul items italicized and in some cases, with glosses provided.
In the summer of 2005, a computer search in the popular Indonesian bookstore Gramedia identifi ed 47 books with the term gaul in their titles, a number of which were on prominent display.These titles included Debbie Sahertian's bestselling Kamus Bahasa Gaul ('The Gaul Dictionary') which fi rst appeared in 1999 and has since been reprinted twelve times, most recently in 2004.The majority, however, were inexpensive 'pocket books' (buku kantong) offering listings of gaul abbreviations and expressions for use in emails and phone messaging (5M5 'short message service'), and linking the cultivation of bahasa gaul to instant popularity.Among the titles on display was also Gaul, a glossy weekly television tabloid for young people which was launched in 2002.By 2005, Gaul claimed to have over 1,033,000 readers, the largest following of any popular youth media tabloid on the market (Indosiar 2005).
In its spectacular journey from the margins to the middle class, gaul has not jetti soned all of its earlier associations.Like slang more generally, gaul is used to refer to social styles identifi ed as "cool," "trendy," and "fashionable," but can also reference a negative sociability (as too familiar, rude, or brash).5While some observers, for example, might describe a gaul headscarf for women (jilbab gaul) as an "inappropri ately alluring/ sexy headscarf," others would describe it as a "trendy, casual-style head covering."Gaul thus has multiple metapragmatic valences, linked to competing interpretations of youth and modernity.

Bahasa Gaul
Gaul style is fast, fl uent, and self-confi dent.It is achieved through prosody, intona tion, and gesture as well as pragmatics.Kacihaaan deh lho 'too bad/what a pity' is said with a lispy, singsong falling/rising intonation and accompanied by an S-like move ment traced in the air with the index fi nger moving downwards.The response, biarin 'leave it/whatever', is accompanied by a similar gesture, but moving upward.So what gitu lho 'who cares' and Please deh, want to know 'come on, tell me', are also pro nounced with a characteristically playful prosody, often accompanied by a shrug or laughter.
For its speakers, however, the most salient element of bahasa gaul is its lexicon.Bahasa gaul has developed against the back drop of a linguistic culture of multiple codes: elaborate social registers, honorifi c vo cabularies, ritual languages, and extensive word games.There are reports of youth varieties or ludlings called basa walikan 'backwards languages', from across Indonesia (d.Chambert-Loir 1984:109).One such backwards language, identifi ed with youth from the city of Malang in East Java, is created by literally "reading" words in their mirror image.Gadis 'young girl' thus becomes sidag, manis 'sweet' becomes sinam, and Malang becomes Ngalam (Dreyfuss 1983).In another "backwards" language, associated with the youth of Yogyakarta, new words are formed by reassigning pronunciations to the Javanese syllabary and applying these new pronunciations to the corresponding syllables of Indonesian words to effect a transformation (Chambert-Loir 1984:109;Swastika 2003: 16).Most well-known is the word play dagadu which is a transformation of the exclamation matamu!'your eyes!' Dagadu is now the name of a successful tee shirt and poster enterprise in Yogyakarta.These youth languages based on word plays (like pig latin in English) are generally associated with high school (teenaged) groups and seem to have strong links to written forms.
While the slang of Indonesian college students has incorporated a number of words or expressions from these backward word plays, their associated word for mation processes are largely non-productive in gaul.The vast majority of gaul words is formed either through processes of abbreviation or borrowing.Abbreviations include acronyms, blends, contractions, and clippings.Borrowings include words and phrases from informal regional and social dialects and foreign language bor rowings from English.In fact, the two categories (abbreviation and borrowing) over lap and borrowings are subjected to many of the same processes of abbreviation as Indonesian words and phrases.

  Abbreviation
The most productive word formation processes in gaul involve various forms of abbreviation.Many gaul words, for example, are acronyms, made up of the initial letters of each of the words in a phrase.For example, JJS (/jejeEs/) is an abbreviation of jalan jalan santai 'to walk around/hang out'.PD or pede (/pede/), is an abbreviation for percaya diri, literally 'to believe in oneself', 'selfconfi dent'.HTI (/hatei/) stands for hubungan tanpa ikatan literally 'relations without [legal] connection' or 'illicit sex', also referred to as HTS (/hateEs/) hubungan tanpa status or 'relations without [legal] status'. 6 Other gaul items are abbreviations created by combining the initial, or sometimes fi nal, syllables or segments of two words to make up a single word, a word forma tion process called blending.Applying this process, curahan hati 'an outpouring of feelings' becomes curhat; salah tingkah 'a wrong or inappropriate move' becomes salt ing; and telat mikir 'slow think ing, dull' becomes telmi. 7 Another common type of abbreviation involves clipping-the process of shorten ing a word by leaving off a part of the lexeme (typically the loss of one or more syl lables).Applying this process, restoran 'restaurant' becomes resto.Minimal 'minimal' becomes minim.Demonstrasi 'demonstration' similar- None of these word formation processes is unique to gaul, though in gaul they may be applied to unique forms or in unique combinations.The linguistic processes of clip ping and contraction are widespread in informal styles of spoken Indonesian and speakers of Indonesian generally have no diffi culty recovering the full forms. 9Acronyms and blends are also ubiquitous in standard offi cial language and are associ ated in particular with the various government organizations and programs which proliferated during the New Order era (e.g., PKK, SMA, UMPT, PUSKESMAS, HANSIP, GOLKAR; see also Sneddon 2003:145-149).Some of the playful irreverence of gaul comes from the use of word formation processes identifi ed with government offi cial dom to create a vocabulary which is anything but governmental, and which is used to talk about the everyday lives and experiences of particular interest to young people.
9 Though in the case of acronyms, speakers may not always know or remember the exact wording of the original phrase, particularly if it contains English borrowings (see below).

  Local Borrowings
The other signifi cant source of gaul vocabulary consists of borrowings.There are, for example, a signifi cant number of word borrowings in bahasa gaul from the informal language level in Javanese known as ngoko.As Indonesia's largest single ethnic groupcomprising 40 percent of the country's population-Javanese have always played a pro minent role in national culture and politics, and borrowings from Javanese into Indonesian have always been common.The Javanese words borrowed into gaul include a large num ber of everyday expressions, par ticularly adjectives and adverbs, among them: saking ('because/as a result of), pantes ('proper/fi tting'), banget ('very/excessively'), gede ('large/big'), bareng ('with/together'), me pet ('tight/pressed'), and rada ('sort of!rather'). 10Rather than adding specifi c content to gaul's lexicon, these words add to the immediacy and informality of student slang, as in the following comment on dating from a discussion with a fi rst year college student.
'Because we were so happy / having so much fun [together] we couldn't break it off. 11 In this example not only is the adverb saking 'because, as a result of' borrowed from Javanese, but also the use of 3rd person possessive marker -nya (here following the pattern of the Javanese genitive marker -e/-ne in marking topicalization).Sneddon writes with regard to the use of this pattern in the Indonesian standard, "[i]n most of its occurrences, this construction is avoided and even condemned 10 Borrowings from Javanese can also undergo processes of abbreviation and blending.The popular expression ge-er 'big headed, proud / conceited' is a blend derived from Javanese gede rasa which has roughly the same meaning.
11 The gaul elements under discussion in this and subsequent examples are in bold along with their corresponding English translations.
by some non -Javanese" (2003:159).In bahasa gaul, informal Javanisms are an important element of the fl avor of informal youth interactions.According to students they make gaul speech 'smoother' (lebih luwes) and 'more relaxed' (lebih santai), and as a result 'more communicative' (lebih komunikatif). 12he single largest and most signifi cant source of local borrowings into bahasa gaul is the informal dialect of Jakarta (Jakartan Indonesian or Jakartan Malay). 13Jakarta is the capital of Indonesia and is widely considered the center of Indonesian wealth and modernity.The h1donesian fi lm industry is located in Jakarta as is the music industry.In imitating Jakartan speech styles, young people aspire to the hip, modern, and cosmopolitan lifestyle of those who live there (Swastika 2003:14; see also Oetomo 1990).Sneddon writes, To speak like a Jakartan is to be like a Jakartan: up-to-date, prosperous and sophisticated, whatever the reality might be.The speech of Jakarta is particularly popular with youth as a symbol of genera tional solidarity; using it sets them apart from the backward countryside and allows them to identify with the mystique of the modem metropolis.[2003:155] Borrowings from Jakartan Indonesian in clude verb forms like bacot 'to fuss/talk a lot', geber 'to push/spur on', demen 'to like', toyor 'to hit/beat up', and gaet 'to attract/interest'.They also include nouns, pronouns, and adjectives like gue 'I', (e)lu 'you', cewek 'girl', cowok 'guy', bonges 'sexy', cemong 'dirty, smudged', and norak 'inap propriate'.Borrowings from Jakartan Indonesian are sometimes diffi cult to distin guish from word borrowings from bahasa prokem (see discussion above).In his article "Those Who Speak Prokem," Chambert-Loir (1984:111) identifi es the infi x -ok as a unique feature of prokem vocabulary.A number of items with the -ok infi x appear in the gaul vocabulary of university students today.They include among others gokil from gila 'crazy'; mertoku from [calon] mertua '[future] in-laws'; bokap from bapak 'father'; and nyokap from nyak, Jakartan dialect for 'mother'.
Certain pronunciations are also borrowed from the informal dialect of the capital (e.g., the replacement of syllable-fi nal / a/ by the mid-central vowel (schwa) /12/ in many words, such as dalem instead of dalam 'inside'), as are some interjections, as well as the verb suffi x -in which corresponds to the suffi xes -kan and -i in formal Indonesian.Some of these features show up in the following exam ples.The fi rst is from a male engineering student in a discussion of dating.The second is from a teen magazine for young males in an article on adjusting to college.
'You could become an easy target for a beating by an older student'. 14

  English language borrowings
The most distinctive feature of the slang of university students, however, is the num ber of English language borrowings.Over 30 percent of my corpus of gaul terms come from English.Notable by comparison-particularly in light of the recent resurgent interest in Islamis the dearth of borrowings in youth slang from Arabic (see also Supriyanti 2004:40). 15 English borrowings are not only signifi cant in terms of their overall numbers but also in terms of the frequency of their occur rence.They were ubiquitous in my interviews and informal discussions with young people.

Cowok suka hunting.
'Guys like to cruise for girls'.
'Hey, our relationship wasn't serious!We were just having fun'.
'He really cares about me'.
A similar pattern of English borrowings is also common in the informal language of many contemporary magazines and novels targeted at a young adult audience, and in advice columns in newspapers which attract a youth readership.The follow ing examples are taken from the letters of young people to advice columnists, the fi rst from a magazine for young men (Hai 'Hey') and the second from a magazine for young women (Kawanku 'My friend').
Soalnya, gue nggak suka klabing. 16  'The problem is I don't like going club bing [out to clubs]'.Some English borrowings in slang have undergone a process of assimilation to the sound system of Indonesian.Others remain in their original forms.As is evidenced in the examples above, the level of assimilation of English borrowings is also refl ected in the spelling of words as they appear in print; with some words spelled as their English originals (like trendy and playboy above) and others refl ecting Indonesian pronunciation.'Married' for example is written marit or merit and is pro nounced / mErIt/.'Clubbing' may be written clubbing or klabing, and is pro nounced /klabiŋ)/.And 'enjoy' is written enjoy (sometimes enjoi) and pronounced as in English but with the accent on the initial syllable /En'joi/.
English language borrowings are subject to the same derivational processes that affect other gaul lexical items.English phrases, for example, may be reduced to acronyms, like MBA (pronounced /Embea/) 'married because accident' in the sen tence above.Other English-derived acronyms include ML (/EmEl/) 'making love' and BT, also written as bete (/bete/), 'bad mood'.BF (/beEf/), the acronym for 'blue fi lm' (pornographic fi lm), has undergone further transformation through -ok infi xa tion (see discussion of bahasa prokem above) to become bokep; in the process its mean ing has expanded to mean 'pornography' more generally.
There are also English phrases which become blends in gaul, sometimes in combination with an Indonesian word.[H]ilang feeling 'to lose interest/ feeling for someone', for example, is ilfi l.Jaga imej 'to guard/protect one's image' is jaim, and salah kostum 'an inappropriate outfi t (costume)' is saltum.Yet other English bor rowings undergo clipping.'Aggressive', for example, is agre; 'America' is amrik; 'temperamental' is tempra; and 'sensitive' is sensi.Examples of these types of con structions appear in the quotes below taken from an advice column in a magazine for young men.
Satu lagi tipe orang yang bikin orang lain gampang ilfi l ya ini, sensi dan tempra. 18Another type of person who makes others quickly lose interest, is [over] sensitive and temperamental'.
Abis mereka nggak mau disebut kelompok cewek jaim. 19Because they didn't want to be put in the category of girls who worry/ obsess about their image'.
The presence of so many English borrowings in bahasa gaul raises a number of interesting issues.Connie Eble (1996) has argued that borrowing from foreign languages is not a feature of slang in general or of American college slang in particular.The reason, she says, is the general insularity of slang, its primary function being to bind toge ther people of similar persuasions."By its very nature," Eble writes, "slang is not outreaching and cosmopolitan" (Eble 1996:39).In American college slang she fi nds little evidence of foreign language borrowings.The exceptions are borrowings which enter slang as word plays on phrases learned in introductory language courses.These borrowings poke fun at students' attempts to pronounce simple for eign phrases.So French s'il vous plait ('please') is rendered silver plate or seafood plate and merci beaucoup (French for 'thank you') becomes mercy buckets or mercy buttercups.Forcing foreign sounds to approximate words in English, Eble argues, is for many college students a source of humor; at the same time it expresses an attitude which is basically anti-intellectual (See also Hill 1998 on "mock Spanish").In this way American college students use foreign language borrowings to strengthen their own group ties which are based on shared attitudes and experiences and ways of seeing the world (Eble 1996:79).
Indonesian college students also create humorous word plays involving English bor rowings in gaul.These word plays take the form of literal translations of common Indonesian phrases into English.A common leave-taking in standard Indonesian, for example, is hati-hati di jalan which means 'be careful on the road'.Hati, however, lit erally means 'liver (heart)'; in college student slang the phrase is thus rendered heart -heart on the road.Similarly, the common Indonesian phrase tidak apa-apa 'it's nothing (don't worry about it)' in literal, word-for-word English translation is rendered no what-what, while terima kasih 'thank you' becomes receive love, and kembali [kasih] 'you're welcome' becomes return love.Word plays like these, however, involve only a very small number of the English borrowings which occur in bahasa gaul and are hardly representative of the role English plays in Indonesian student slang. 20he use of English borrowings in gaul is less about poking fun at English or at English speakers than about signaling the speaker's identifi cation with a fashionably cosmopolitan youth style widely identifi ed with Western and East Asian print media, fi lms, radio and television.Western, even global, youth culture emphasizes the positive value of cool nonchalance and casual informality (cf.Bucholtz 2007;Kiesling 2004).English borrowings show up in many of the gaul words which express this hip, laid back orientation: cool, keren 'cool'; mellow, casual, cuek 'to not care'; cuek bebek 'to not care [at all]'; fresh, funky, friendly; and ngtren/trendy'trendy'.Related terms have to do with a carefree attitude of having fun and being happy: relak/releks 'relax'; hang out, refreshing 'relaxing'; having fun, funny, enjoi/ enjoy 'enjoy'; hepi 'happy'.English borrowings also fi gure prominently among those words in bahasa gaul which refl ect the new concern among youth with the articulation of indi vidual wants, needs, and desires, and with the formulation of new types of social relationships.These terms include: care, con cern, sharing, support, fi rst love, cute, charm ing, date, soul mate, macho, mood, don juan, playboy, jeles/jealous, bossy, killer, agre 'aggressive', sensi 'sensitive', tempra 'temperamental', petting and ML 'making love', among others.
Students regularly describe borrowed English emotion terms as "more expressive," offering as an example, the new "in" expression Bete-in banget!'It's so annoying!' Bete is an acronym derived from the English 'bad mood'21 ; -in is the causative affi x bor rowed from Jakartan Indonesian.Bete-in is therefore 'to cause to be in a bad mood; annoying'.Conversely, students say that English word borrowings which have sex ual referents are emotionally" distancing," allowing young people to talk about embarrassing or taboo topics with less discomfort.A group of female students explained that it would, for example, "hypothetically" be much easier for a young woman to say to her partner, Beli safting, dong! 'Buy protection!' than to use the (older Dutch/English) Indonesianized term kondom.22(Here, safting, save thing, or safe thing is apparently derived from English 'safe sex'.A condom is thus a 'safe thing'.) A contrasting pattern of English borrowing has been described as characterizing the formal Indonesian of newspaper editorials, academic writing and lectures, and political speeches and publications.The use of English in these contexts often involves technical or specialized vocabulary.This pattern of borrowing has sometimes been criticized as obscuring rather than adding meaning to the language as exem plifi ed in the following quotation from an Indonesian professor emeritus of law.
'Postmodernism has already deconstructed the domination or hegemony of the state'. 23imilar usages involve the use of English words or phrases for ideas or concepts that can easily be expressed in Indonesian.The redundancy of English in these contexts may even be signaled overtly by the use of the equivalent Indonesian term paren thetically after the English word (or the equivalent English word parenthetically after the Indonesian term).This practice in particular has been decried by language purists as eroding the integrity of the national language.The citation below is a quote from a prominent Indonesian newspaper, commenting on the relationship between the Indonesian army and political parties.
'There are likewise many former high ranking army offi cers who have joined together with political parties and have breeched the threshold.This can also constitute a warning to political groupings.It appears that the dichotomy between the military and politics in Indonesia is only material for discussion at meetings of scholars'. 24n the example above the use of English seems superfl uous to the meaning of the passage in the sense that there are common and easily available Indonesian equivalents (ambang pintu, peringatan, sarjana/ ilmiawan) for the borrowed English terms.J.Joseph Errington (2000:216) calls such usages "communicatively gratuitous" and argues that the use of English language borrowings in such contexts serves to under score the "exemplary" status of the speaker in a pattern not unlike the use of the sta tus marked speech levels of Javanese.These patterns of the use of English borrowings in formal Indonesian add to the stereotyped opacity and formality of the standard.Such usages are particularly widespread among academics, politicians, and bureaucrats and have the effect of identifying the speaker as a person who is able, due to his experience or education, to use language forms which are beyond the expertise of the majority of speakers (Errington 2000:216; see also Lowenberg 1994;Tanner 1972).In this sense the use of superfl uous English borrowings in formal Indonesian, as the use of technical and abstract terminology, is a demonstration and reinforcement of status differentials.

Articulating Modernity
In contrast to formal Indonesian, bahasa gaul, with its popular, youth culture focus, indexes a more inclusive ideology of gaul sociability.It assumes a shared orienta tion toward the values of informality and commensurability and an attitude of self-confi dent cosmopolitanism.As it is used by urban, educated youth, bahasa gaul articulates a "modern," interactional fl exi bility which emphasizes the expression of individual needs and desires, and distances the speaker from old styles and hierar chies.Not surprisingly, the particular values expanded upon in gaul ideology refl ect the social position of its upwardly aspiring speakers (Kroskrity 2000:8).Students have appropriated elements from the speech styles of people at the social margins (gangsters, criminals, street kids), and use them along with other local and foreign borrowings to declare their independence of traditional expectations and established social convention.Through a process of enregisterment "whereby distinct forms of speech come to be socially recognized (or enregistered) as indexical of speaker attributes by a population of language users" (Agha 2005:38), the language of gaul socia bility has become widely identifi ed with contemporary middle-class youth culture.In the process, gaul has taken on new associations, becoming a linguistic emblem of the cool, hip, educated, and connected.
Agha (1998) and others have emphasized the refl exive relationship that patterns of linguistic usage have to social status; that is, that patterns of linguistic usage both respond to independent status distinctions and promote status valorizations them selves.As bahasa gaul has become increasingly associated with the upwardly mobile and trendy, it has de veloped its own kind of coercive appeal linked to the assumed (stereotyped) status of its speakers-as revealed in this comment by a third year student attending Gadjah Mada University, Sometimes when I meet up with some kids from Jakarta and they're really gaul, I feel like I have to adjust to their style and be like them and talk like them even though I'm not that used to using bahasa gaul.But when I'm with them, I do that so that they all think, "She's really advanced (maju), you know, she's really modern."So, I have to use bahasa gaul in that situation.
Just as might be expected, as gaul style has been drawn up from the world of social marginals to the world of self-realizing, selffulfi lling, upward-aspiring individuals, it has become responsive to the sorts of pressures and concerns that animate the new Indonesian middle class.As it has moved from informality and solidarity at the mar gins to informality within a new and more fl exible system of differentiation and hierarchy, gaul has also come to express a new form of linguistic status and identity.After all, if you're not gaul, you're not cool, you're not modern, and you just don't belong.
Complicating the development and trajectory of gaul even further, during its transition from dark and rebellious periphery to the well-heeled and hip new center, the speech style has also come to be mediated by a variety of new social actors, among them: professional managers and media talk show hosts, Dale Carnegie-like self-help authors, and sexual advice columnists. 25In an attempt to both capitalize on and domesticate the new youth subcultures, these experts have expanded on gaul's con cern with the individual and with a more fl exible sociability to articulate a whole new catalogue of directives and warnings con cern ing the proper formulation of cool (but careful) modernity (cf. Miller 2004).These gaul experts use the language of youth socia bility to caution young people about the dangers of uncritical acceptance of Western models of behavior and the need to adjust them to an Indonesian value system and social reality.
It is particularly ironic that gaul has emerged at more or less exactly the same time that the Islamic resurgence has led many, especially urban, Indonesians to a more religious orientation and pious lifestyle.Perhaps most surprising, a signifi cant number of the new self-help experts and social commentators who have adopted the language of youth sociability identify themselves as devout Muslims.Books like Zaman Gaul: Tips Menjadi Gaul bagi Remaja Islam Tanpa Kehilangan Identitas Keislamannya ('The Gaul Era: Tips for Muslim Youth on Becoming Sociable without Losing Your Muslim Identity') (Salim 2004) and All About Gaul! ('All About [the New] Sociability!') (Kurnia 2005) are written in casual, gaul style.Their authors do not condemn gaul ideology but instead intersperse their texts with Qur'anic quota tions and passages taken from the hadits (traditions of the life of the Prophet) to emphasize a carefully measured and acceptably Muslim style of gaul social interac tion.Even many Muslim youth preach ers (ustadh) have begun to appropriate gaul's informal style and casual exchanges in an attempt to reach out to and engage a youth audience.This is especially true, not surprisingly, of those who are most involved in the glamorous world of radio and television preaching-among them the enor mously popular AA Gymastiar and Jefri Al-Buchori, who are often referred to by the media and by their youthful followers as ustadz gaul ('gaul teachers/preachers').

Gaul Community
Gaul then is the product of a particular type of community increasingly identifi ed with the educated and "mass-mediated" landscapes of modem Indonesia.It is not a community defi ned by common residence or territoriality.Noris it based on the shared experience of political struggle like that which characterized the early nation alists of the Sumpah Pemuda of 1928, the revolutionary youth of the 1945-1949 inde pendence war, the activist students of the generation of 1965-1966 (Ang kqtan 65-66) (Ang kqtan 65-66), or even the moderate Islamist youth engaged in the struggle for democratic reform (1998).
Although it has rebellious undercurrents, the culture of gaul is increasingly defi ned by lifestyle and consumer aspirations, themselves originating, not so much in formal politics, as in the educational and mass-media experiences of the new middle class (cf.Liechty 2003).This orientation is toward, not a political project, but a way of being Indonesian in the post-traditional landscape of multiethnic, urban Indonesia.While gaul is very much at home on Indonesian campuses, then, it would be a mis take to view it as just a byproduct of educated youth.That community is itself as much an aspiration and lifestyle as it is a fi xed social category.Moreover, the styles and sociability of gaul have now extended well beyond the more promising segments of the new middle class.This is all the more the case inasmuch as pop media and pop ular consumption styles have themselves become carriers of gaul culture.
Gaul is above all an "open" linguistic variety, a style marked by its porousness and enjoyment of new linguistic and lifestyle fl ows.It is a work in process, unfi nished and fast changing-as evidenced, for example, by the recent incorporation of elements of the language of gay culture into its lexicon (cf.Boellstorf 2004).But it is also selective in its appropriations.The cultural logic of its selectivity refl ects at its core the aspira tion of urban middle-class youth to styles of social identity and interaction pro foundly different from those of their parents and the New Order era.The new styles do not constitute a radical and highly politicized counter-language/ counterculture to the establishment center.They instead refl ect middle-class youth's heightened concern for casual informality, greater emotional expressivity, and the communication of a new and constantly evolving popular Indonesian culture.
The analysis of language and culture in Indonesian society has frequently been con ducted with reference to the idea of the crowning or singular importance of exemplary centers; that is, certain axial points of reference that provide a model and standard for the evaluation of all else (cf.Anderson 1972;Errington 1985;Geertz 1960).In their language styles and social conventions, contemporary members of the Indonesian middle class show that they are still keenly res ponsive to the estimations of others.How ever, if there is an exemplary center inform ing the language choices of middleclass youth today, it has less to do with the centers and standards of Java's courts or other indigenous aristocracies than it does with the example provided by a diverse array of new media and institutions, among them: the educational system, MTV, a plethora of youth publications, international fi lms and fashions, computers and the internet.In this sense there is not just one settled center invoking the traditions and received conventions of venerated ancestors, but a variety of media and social fi elds themselves highly permeable to outside infl uence and continuing cultural change.