Semiotic Analysis of the Changes of Ondel-ondel Costume Elements as a Betawi Cultural Negotiation

Recognized as one of Jakarta’s icons, the large pair of puppets known as ondel-ondel has undergone significant transformation since its origin centuries ago. Classically built in a fairly simple form, ondel-ondel presents itself in various ways at every performance. Now, ondel-ondel is increasingly found throughout Jakarta, having gone through numerous changes in its costume elements. Whereas it is usually meant to be shown as a couple, nowadays a single ondel-ondel can be found cruising alleys with a mere digital sound system as musical accompaniment. Once respected and feared for its looks, today it is belittled by its own people. Due to this phenomenon, this research aimed to answer the questions of who influenced this ideological change, which ruling elite encouraged their ideology, and what the ideology is. Interviews and direct observations produced stories and photographs, while literature and media studies provided a historical background. Roland Barthes’ semiotic connotations with a historical perspective were used to read the hidden concepts behind these signs, which connect the changes of the costume elements through the important events in Betawi society during the period of 1970–2020. The different interests of each party brought more conflict in their relations, which created a dynamic cultural negotiation. Based on the results, the terms for the ondel-ondel models were identified, specifically a personification model, Islamic model, and commercial model, each named after the historical events and ideology brought about by Jakarta’s ruling elites.


INTRODUCTION
A pair of large puppets known as ondel-ondel is an ancient Betawi performing art.Ondel-ondel was presumed to have existed in Jakarta under the name barongan (group, together, meaning to turn something on together) and used by the Betawi people in 1605 (Purbasari et al., 2019) as a disaster deterrent and protector for the community against a bad omen.Ondel-ondel possessed traditional wisdom to uphold a clean, safe, and peaceful life (Rizal, 2019).Following its function, the barongan appeared horrific and terrifying with an angry red face, round bulging eyes, and long fangs.It was large and tall, approximately 80 x 250 x 80 cm, structurally made of rattan or bamboo with a mask from high-quality wood (Purbasari et al., 2016).Besides its quality, easiness to form, and fragrance, this wood was chosen because barongan or ondel-ondel is a work of art that is honored by the people.
Barongan was created in Betawi Pinggir or suburbia and also culturally influenced by Chinese and Sundanese (Shahab, 2001) when they were struggling in the agricultural sector and believed that something big and huge had unlimited power (Sugiyarto, 2010).Betawi Kota was influenced by Arab culture (Shahab, 2001).Barongan became part of a ritual in the Betawi Pinggir community and considered sacred and separated from daily life.Betawi Pinggir and Kota were differentiated geographically by city limits and dialect (Betawi Pinggir ended the word with "a" while Betawi Kota used "e", for example: ngapa vs. ngape) (Erwantoro, 2014).Before a procession in the village, there was an ukup (smoking) ritual using burning incense along with offerings to pave the way for the emergence of magical energy (Saputra, 2009).It means barongan was not part of the popular culture for both the Betawi Pinggir and Betawi Kota communities (Wahidiyat, 2019), because barongan was used by Betawi Pinggir for sacred rituals only, while barongan was forbidden by Betawi Kota.
Based on an interview with Saputra, Barongan's simple form was due to the urgency to deal with the malaria epidemic.Barongan was used as the embodiment of the ancestral village protector (Supriyanto & Dharsono, 2017).
Since 1605, its performance was considered as somewhat serious and sacred, because of its place in the sacred rituals in the Betawi community such as exorcizing evil spirits, which was believed as the source of outbreaks, earth alms.The ondel-ondel parading in the village was a performance awaited by the people because its presence was associated with joyfulness and celebration (Wahidiyat, 2019), which is connected with funds and food.In this case, ondel-ondel has become a cultural medium.
Today, ondel-ondel are easily found all around Jakarta, especially in suburban areas.Despite the evil looks, they still present a magnificent atmosphere.
Unfortunately, their sacredness diminished -asking for money.With its new function as a medium of entertainment and breadwinner, it is as if this large puppet can be treated at will by users as long as it can generate coffers of money (Samhudi, 2020).Many ondel-ondel elements are missing like the standard music companion.Ondel-ondel walks solo while simultaneously pushing a musical cart.
In the 1970s, ondel-ondel was announced as one of the Jakarta icons by Governor Ali Sadikin (Samantha, 2013).Barongan underwent distinctive changes, and transformed into ondel-ondel today.This marked the beginning of the first model.Jakarta began to shape itself as a city, inviting immigrants from other parts of Indonesia, thus creating a need for identity for the Betawi.Over time, acculturation between immigrants and Betawi residents created a strong bond united by religion.It marked the birth of the second model.The third model was in line with economic development, as Jakarta fast became a metropolitan city.Ondel-ondel is no longer just a part of the culture but has also become an economic asset, such as in tourism.
Barthes's semiotic approach was used to read the changes in ondel-ondel costume elements from time to time to interpret the meaning and ideology of the ruling elite.The relationship between the ideology and culture lays in the fact that to interpret a language, people depend on ideology.Culture is about negotiation to generate various speeches through a cultural text and ideology (Sunardi, 2013).A cultural analysis will culminate in an ideology (Barthes, 1983).It shows that a cultural negotiation indeed is an ideology negotiation between the ruling elite and an influential person with close ties to power.The changes of ondel-ondel costume elements show the presence of negotiation between the society and the ruling elite, in which the ruling elite spread their ideology.The result of this analysis is the ondel-ondel model.
This study explored the continuity and changes in the ondel-ondel appearance to know the meanings and concepts or ideologies from each model.It focused on ondel-ondel costume elements from 1970-2020.The author interviewed cultural practitioners, ondel-ondel artists, and the audiences.Incidents, interests, and ideologies led to what ondel-ondel looks like today.

CONNOTATIVE SEMIOTICS IN ONDEL-ONDEL
Data from 1970 to 2020 was collected through observations, interviews, and literary research.Direct interviews were conducted on three groups: cultural practitioners, ondel-ondel makers and performers, and the audiences.With cultural practitioners, discussions were held and attended.Betawi cultural activities were attended, which resulted in storytelling about Betawi culture and ondel-ondel.In a meeting with the makers, knowledge was gained about making ondel-ondel, and the ritual process for the preparation of the show.Together with the performers, the experience was gained in parading the ondel-ondel around the village.Interviews with the audiences received responses about the presence of ondel-ondel.
Besides observations and interviews, data was sourced from publications such as journals, books, the Internet, newspapers, magazines, and other records.
Ondel-ondel is the result of the mental construction of the Betawi community, influenced by the local context according to the conditions of the concerned community.A mental construction involves negotiation until the ondel-ondel model is established.Negotiation is a dialectical form, and the dialectical process is most rapidly manifested through the development of artistic styles (Hauser, 1982).Hence, ondel-ondel development has produced several models.This study used Roland Barthes' semiotic approach (connotative semiotics) that contains a synchronic and diachronic historical perspective, which used to see the continuity and changes of it from time to time.The connotative semiotic approach was used to interpret the meaning of ondelondel through several subjects, which are denotation; symbolic, paradigmatic, and syntagmatic sign relations; connotations; stolen language; naturalization; myth; and ideology.Stolen language is a process where a certain part from a previous object is taken and then developed into a new object with particular goals.
Referring to the term used in Barthes' book, the term 'model' is used to divide ondel-ondel based on the changes and developments of the costume elements.The word 'model' is also related to Roland Barthes' clothing system This word means something general or an example or type used for imitation or comparison (Flexner & Hauck, 1987).The costume elements on ondel-ondel became important as the subject analyzed in the first stage.Costume elements are decorations or accessories in ondel-ondel both in shape and color.Color is one of the elements of the costume discussed, for Betawi has a distinctive color combination that is also applied in ondel-ondel (Purbasari et al., 2016).
Roland Barthes' semiotic approach was chosen not only because of its appropriateness to explore the various meanings of ondel-ondel, but it also contains a historical perspective that is certainly suitable for long-lived ondelondel.Barthes' semiotic approach views the importance of the analysis of myth and ideology; his theory of myths and/or ideology allows the study of ideology in both diachronic and synchronic (Sunardi, 2013) means.This ideological study contains a historical perspective.To understand the meanings of objects, we need to review their history (Goebel, 2020).In checking their history, we need to have a diachronic and synchronic view of the continuity and changes of the ondel-ondel costume elements.
There are two levels in Barthes semiotic approach.The first level is called a signifier: the meaning in the form of a description of what is seen by the eyes, in this case the visual signs of ondel-ondel are costume elements, body shapes, cloth decorative motives, and others.In the first level, I documented the costume elements into a visual table.Second-level semiotics (connotations) is called signified.Other meanings are further interpreted through the following stages: 1) the relationship of symbolic, paradigmatic, and syntagmatic signs; and 2) connotations and the interactions that occur when the visual signs meet the emotions and values of the culture; meaning that comes from experience and is personal.The connotation of ondel-ondel is beyond what is visually noticeable such as faces, costume elements, colors, decorative patterns, and others.3) The meaning of connotation creates myths to distort the first level of meaning that no longer refers to the reality.4) Myth is actualized through ideology and naturalized to society through socialization.At the end, the myth is considered normal, valid, and true.The established myth eventually becomes ideology, in which various ideologies are related to the ondel-ondel model discourse.
The researcher went through several stages in the analysis process.First, I conducted a literature review to see the changes in the costume elements of the ondelondel and recorded them into a schematic analysis of the structure and the costume elements.Interviews with historians and cultural practitioners were conducted to find out who influenced the changes.The next part was tracing the important events and conditions that caused changes to the ondel-ondel costume elements.This was the beginning of the ondel-ondel models.I also recorded important activities and the people involved with ondelondel and connected the changes in the costume elements of each ondel-ondel model to read the message or ideology.
Cultural negotiation started from the ruling elite, which stole the previous model's form, combined with other forms to create the new model and used extensively in the society to justify it.In order for the new model to be accepted, the change process is carried out gradually and continuously until it is deemed reasonable and natural.The myth to naturalize history for acceptance and perceived natural through negotiation became a true or natural ideology.Then the ruling elite could run the policies without resistance.A synchronic process happened when ondel-ondel was viewed from the relation and tension of its costume elements, which created cultural negotiation.A diachronic process is about the development of all the models linearly and gradually.
By elaborating between the theories, contexts, concepts, events, and signs related to Barthes' semiotics and ondel-ondel, and then composed into a temporary unit, the researcher explained various aspects of the research problem.

THE ONDEL-ONDEL MODEL DYNAMICS Structure and Costume Elements of Ondel-ondel
Reading the continuity and changes of costume elements in ondel-ondel means seeing community dynamics (contextual) through several models.This discussion also shows important events in Betawi society that led to continuity and changes in costume elements.This denotative analysis leads to the division of several ondelondel models.A pair of ondel-ondel consists of a male and female who have similar structures and shapes, but the costume elements have changed from time to time (Purbasari et al., 2019).Based on an interview with Yahya Andi Saputra, a Betawi cultural expert and head of the Betawi Cultural Institute's Research and Development Division, he mentioned that the ondel-ondel must be male and female, like day and night, good and bad.For its people, ondel-ondel is also a medium of communication between humans and the Creator, and a symbol of life balance.
A full set of ondel-ondel consists of the pair accompanied with a music team.The ondel-ondel structure resembles two upright triangles.Its big and tall size gives the impression of being sturdy, strong, and sacred.The ondel-ondel structure is divided into 3 parts, the top (head), middle (body), and bottom (legs).The head contains the costume elements: coconut flower, handlebar (crown), hair from natural fibers, and a mask (face) made from wood or fiber.As for the body, the elements of the male ondel-ondel costume have a cukin or sash, and the female has a toka-toka (chest cover).The male ondel-ondel wears a sadariah shirt (Muslim Betawi dress) and a belt, while the female ondel-ondel wears a kurung or kebaya top and a brightly colored belt.The last one is the lower part (legs); there is a sarong called a jamblang that covers the legs (Figure 1).
Based on an interview with Saputra, a coconut flower head accessory means that the Betawi people are ready to work based on their respective strengths and competencies for community benefits and welfare.The crown is a symbol of power and honor.The coconut fibers are planted as hair to cover the back of the head where the coconut flowers are embedded.The male ondel-ondel mask is painted red (giving a firm and scary impression), while on the female it is white to symbolize softness and purity.Toka-toka is a triangular shaped fabric with red ornaments as a breastplate for a woman, a symbol of fertility and prosperity.The male ondel-ondel has a neck and chest ornament, as a symbol of cleverness and defender of truth.A sadariah shirt and kurung or kebaya are typical shirts of a Betawi male and female.The fabric belt is wrapped around the waist to bind the bottom cloth.Jamblang fabric is used to cover the legs.
In this formation, Yasin, the leader of the Beringin Sakti studio, mentioned that all the participating members can switch instruments, except the tehyan, which has no substitute, because of its high level of difficulty (Purbasari et al., 2019).Currently, ondel-ondel street performances use a mobile sound system cart to replace the tehyan.The cart can also play Betawi and pop songs.

ONDEL-ONDEL MODELS AND IDEOLOGIES
According to Barthes, a myth is a type of speech using stolen language taken from history but only its form is stolen, while its content is determined by the ruling elite group.The changes in the ondel-ondel costume elements and its accompaniments from time to time were tailored to the requests and desires of the ruling elite group to provide new and different values in Betawi society.The values have stood for a long time and continued to blend naturally, to be believed and become common.A myth has the ability to manipulate the reader toward an ideology.Myths are formed through generalized assumptions and societal experiences.
The continuity and changes in costume elements, meanings, and functions of ondel-ondel are in line with the Betawi community's social dynamics, especially

Barongan Pre Ondel-ondel Model
Barongan became the early model and background of the other ondel-ondel models.Barongan appeared along with the belief that something big was considered to have the power to protect and fight evil.The earliest written record of barongan's presence could be found in Geschiedenis Van Java Dell 2 by W. Fruin Mees, as it had been around since before 1605.Based on the barongan visual on a Twitter account from potretlawas in 2017 and digitalcollection.universiteitleiden.nl, barongan is twice the size of regular people.
The head had hair decorated with a crown surrounded by coconut flowers.Its face looked creepy with huge round and bulging eyes, long curved fangs, and broad ears, used to ward off evil creatures that disturbed the villagers.Barongan had the same form of structure and costume elements as ondel-ondel.The difference between them in the shape, size, and materials was the result of adjustments to the current conditions.The details of the barongan structure and costume elements can be described as follows (Figure 3).
Based on previous documentation (Figure 4), it is quite impossible to distinguish between the male and female.Looking at the picture, the two puppets appear almost identical in structure and costume elements.In rituals, true to its original function as a repellent, for for safety, the face of the male ondel-ondel was created to be horrific, frightening to dispel everything bad, which is undesirable (Purbasari et al., 2019).
The changes in appearance of ondel-ondel started in the beginning of the 20th century parallel with the shifting from an agrarian to an industrial urban culture.The ancient and sacred ondel-ondel that was once believed to be able to repel reinforcements or disturbances from the spirits, began to change function and take part in the celebration of folk parties and welcome distinguished guests at the inaugurations of buildings, entertainers for circumcision brides, or as part of the Palang Pintu procession in a Betawi traditional wedding.The changes of Barongan reached a climax in Governor Ali Sadikin's reign in the 1970s, where the barongan was revived through a Betawi Tradition Recreation in 1970 (Shahab, 2001).It was a process of nationalizing local traditions through new faces and functions.

Personification Model
Jakarta experienced a transition from the traditional to the modern era, both physically and mentally.Jakarta had to improve itself to be able to compete with other capital cities.The determination of Jakarta's identity during the period of Ali Sadikin in April 1966 -July 1977 (R. A. K. Pratama et al., 2017) was a form of tug-of-war between the community, and political as well as personal interests for the declaration of this identity could run well and be accepted by all levels of society.
The Governor of DKI Jakarta, as a representative of the ruling elite group, made policies by himself to make ondel-ondel as an icon of DKI Jakarta.The Governor of DKI Jakarta had to reach a consensus with the following parties who also had power in the Betawi tradition recreation process: the DKI Local Government (Pemerintah Daerah or PemDa), the Betawi Cultural Institute (LKB) and other Betawi organizations, as well as practitioners and artistic professionals (Shahab, 2001) Betawi organizations and LKB always had to accept the creations made by the local government.Ondel-ondel was included in one of the traditional arts in a Betawi tradition recreation project.To be accepted by all Betawi including religious and government elite groups, ondel-ondel had to change its appearance from a horrific and frightening giant to be a more humanistic and friendlier looking.The sacred ritual was simply set aside.The result of all this was an increase in Betawi art inventions, both in terms of quantity and quality (Shahab, 2001).This was a cultural negotiation, and one of the results of this bargaining was the birth of the ondel-ondel personification mode, which was a consensus involving all Betawi groups.
From an interview with Yahya (2017), nobody was certain what the word ondel-ondel means, but the word was popularized by legendary Betawi artists Benyamin Sueb and Ida Royani who sang Ngarak Ondel-Ondel written by Joko Subagio circa 1970.After that, the word ondel-ondel took over the word barongan (Yuwono, 2012).Since the declaration of ondel-ondel as a Jakarta icon, it is mandatory for government offices in DKI Jakarta to display a pair of ondel-ondel near the main entrance.From then on, ondel-ondel became state property.To become an icon of the city of Jakarta, ondel-ondel went through many changes, especially in its appearance and elements of costumes.Its appearance is more civilized and looks more like a human (personified).
The ondel-ondel resembled a large doll with a human-like body and a face representing a humanized barongan face.However, sometimes there are still fanged and horrific looking ondel-ondel.This indicates that this model is still stealing from the previous model.The stolen part was combined with new elements in some changes.The adoption of several elements from barongan showed the art style that has flourished in the vortex of development ideology was still rooted in the past.The ondel-ondel was formed to become a symbol of the city of Jakarta when Jakarta was looking for an identity in a development program that had been intensively carried out since the 1970s.This model was a symbol of the birth of the Betawi human icon through ondel-ondel.Ondel-ondel was no longer horrific and terrifying as barongan, but it is not as beautiful as the ondel-ondel today (Figure 5).Regarding the research results, the important costume elements that were stolen from the history were: 1) Coconut flowers and kemuning leaves, a symbol of repellent against reinforcements, are now made from colorful paper to depict tolerance of diversity in Jakarta.
2) Stangan: the elongated shape, pointed and rough, was simplified with the flora and fauna motives, which were influenced by Chinese and Hindu elements.Then came typical Betawi motives such as gigi balang, tigers, and tapak dara flowers.3) Mask: the horrific face was humanized even though it still has fangs.The masks were made of wood and fiber using various colors.4) Toka-toka: the pentagon and triangle shape from fabric were replaced with a triangle decorated with pomegranate seeds, which means prosperity.5) Sash: the placement of sash from left to right to match the woman is interpreted as a change in behavior from bad to good.Earlier, the sash was not worn by men but was later used as a promotional medium during political campaigns.6) Dress: simple dresses changed into baju kurung with a simple motif.7) Belts: from iron with a big buckle turned into a plain cloth with bright and contrasting colors to the dress.9) Musical accompaniment: it started playing Betawi songs such as kicir-kicir, jali-jali, centek manis, and others.
A paradigmatic relationship is the relationship between signs in the same class or system.The elements which create the personification model were also a combination of some of the elements from the past (fibers as hair, coconut flowers, stangan/crowns, tokatoka, and fabric belt), and the additional elements such as a human face, baju sadariah clothes, and kurung.A paradigmatic relationship allows people to associate the presence of just one of these elements with ondel-ondel.A syntagmatic relationship directs the relationship of a sign to other signs, either preceding or following it.The existence of a sign in a syntax is mutually exclusive (Sunardi, 2013).The syntagmatic relationship here also concerns the ondel-ondel relationship of the personified model with the musical accompaniment, the audience, and every element of the costume elements in each ondel-ondel model.The connotation of all of this is that the position of the personification model as a means to encourage the development in Jakarta is so strong and not only for the Betawi community, but the immigrant communities also support the existence of the ondelondel personified model.This model was believed to be a unifying symbol for the people of Jakarta in carrying out the capital city's development post-independence.
This model was not as scary as barongan, yet still not as beautiful as today.In Jakarta, a Vespa community, via their blogspot account @scooterframe in 2013, showed an ondel-ondel in the 1970s.A photograph of a couple of ondel-ondel, with a large body portion of Figure 6.Ondel-ondel in the 1970s by @scooterframe almost two and half times the height of an adult human complete with large costume elements and rough looks, fierce but more humanlike (Figure 6).
This ondel-ondel model was popularized through myth as part of the naturalization process.The effect of myths naturalizing history into an ideology that can be accepted by society was also possible because ideological actualization takes place actively as seen from the tireless efforts of the local government in using the ondel-ondel personification model as a medium for development campaigns.Over time, Betawi people considered the presence of the ondel-ondel personification model as something normal, legitimate, and right.Ondel-ondel continues to take a position as an independent sign, so that it occupies the status as a symbol of Betawi society or culture, even though it keeps changing in color and shape.As a sign, ondel-ondel has deep roots in Betawi society and culture.

Islamic Model
In the development of Jakarta, several important bloody tragedies happened in the 1980s related to Islam.In 1981, a fatwa of the Indonesian Ulama Council (MUI) was issued on behalf of a respectable cleric, Buya Hamka (Islamic figure and chairman of the MUI at that time) to prohibit wishing Merry Christmas and joining its celebration for Muslims (A.B. Pratama, 2014).These incidents triggered many pros and cons from Jakarta Muslims.Buya Hamka placed himself higher than the government by issuing a fatwa unsupported by the government.This fatwa caused the radical Muslims to conduct sweeping during a Christmas celebration, which brought disunity and riot between them.The radical Muslim movement grew stronger and more aggressive to the dislike of the government, marked by harsh actions by the army, known as the Tanjung Priok incident in 1984.
Then, the New Order regime wanted to use the single state principle of Pancasila for all communities and organizations, but it was opposed by a mosques in Tanjung Priok (a strong Islamic base area with a dense population and a slum environment), which was followed by mass attacks on the apparatus (Danang, 2021).The situation heated up and certain people in the government were provoked to be hostile to Islam, resulting in clashes between the people of Tanjung Priok and the authorities which ended with arson and shooting incidents.Since there were many tragic incidents in Jakarta involving religion, the DKI Jakarta government needed to take action using a religious approach through culture to reembrace the trust of the Betawi people.
Azhari Baedlawie, a figure who has dual influence The relationship between the Islamic ondel-ondel model and the musical accompaniment, the audience, and every element of the costume elements in each ondelondel model is shown in Figure 7.
According to the research, the changes in the costume elements of the personification to the Islamic model were found in 1) Stangan: the shape was shifted from an ornamented crown to a Muslim cap, also the decorative motifs of flora and fauna into geometric shapes.2) Sash: meant as the bad behavior turned good, replaced by cukin that resembles pesantren youths and Betawi warriors si Pitung.3) Dress: the kurung dress was replaced by a kebaya just like none Jakarta's costume with a combination of bright and contrasting colors.4) Belt: bright colored fabric replaced with a plaid sarong and wrapped around the waist inside the sadariah shirt.It is reminiscent of the suit of an abang Jakarta costume.5) Music accompaniment: tanjidor music in nuances of desert (Arabic) music is enlivened in white sadariah uniforms.
The Islamic ondel-ondel model with a symbolic relationship explained the function and origin of this model.The depiction of a Betawi young man and woman couple who are firm, brave, gentle, and friendly in the personification model of ondel-ondel is considered insufficient.In addition, religious and faithful characteristics are included in this model.The ondel-ondel was made to describe the ideal young man according to the Betawi community at that time.Shapes and colors were combined to reflect the characteristics of the Betawi people who are pious and religious.The Islamic ondel-ondel model was a sign that represents the face of the ondel-ondel personification model that has been "Islamized".
The paradigmatic relationship of the Islamic ondelondel mode, from one sign to other signs are one class or one system.The Islamic model was a one-class model with the barongan model and also the personification model, although the elements of the costumes come from the barongan model and the personification model applied to the Islamic model, which had experienced continuity and change.The syntagmatic relationship looks at the relationship between the Islamic model with the musical accompaniment, the audience, and every costume element in each ondel-ondel model.The syntagmatic sign relationship encourages people to understand the ondel-ondel of the barongan model and the personification model and to imagine other models that developed in the next period as continuity and change in preserving tradition.Preservation implies continuity and change and even in the case of the Islamic model, change was significant because the characteristics that were considered to be Islamic were forced to be present predominantly in ondel-ondel, although what was considered to be Islamic characteristics needs to be questioned.
The Islamic model carried the message of the improvement of the spiritual quality among the people.The connotation of all of this was the ondel-ondel, which has long since been a symbol of the Betawi people seems to have been "circumcised or Islamized".
The Islamic model was created by stealing the form of the personification model, which was then adapted to the needs of the time to decrease the tension from Jakarta's bloody incidents.Using the same structure as the two previous models, the Islamic model transforms the sash costume elements into a cukin and the stangan into a peci or kopiah.It hoped to be the ondel-ondel model which looks more civilized, pious, and religious.They could neutralize the situation and conditions by giving the impression that the local government seemed to protect and favor Muslims at that time.This representation of the Islamic image was especially visible in the costume elements, which refer to the Islamic clothing elements commonly used, such as peci and cukin.The ondel-ondel had a more human-like appearance (Betawi young people) with elements of costumes that look more well-ordered, polite, and neat.Its better shape with more proportional body size than the barongan and personification models provides a picture of politeness, wisdom, devotion like a santri as a harmonious and virtuous Betawi human.
All stolen costume elements from the previous model were combined into one form, the Islamic ondelondel model, through a distortion process.In an effort to present an Islamic impression, ondel-ondel was forced out of the previous model through the attributes of santri, so that it was not rooted in Betawi culture.The artists represented by LKB opposed this because it gave the impression of exclusivity as if the ondel-ondel belonged to Islam.The negotiation was not easy and took some time to overcome.After a while, the Betawi people considered the Islamic model as something common, legitimate, and even true.The Islamic model was part of a myth that became a religious ideology, which was actualized in society.
Through ondel-ondel and cukin, the Betawi rulers were communicated symbolically with their people to convey the same identity and gain a positive response to the legitimization of their power.The addition of cukin as a decoration in the male ondel-ondel to appear like a Betawi Muslim was born through ondel-ondel.In controlling society, the ruling elite needed to spread myths that contained certain ideologies to support their ideology (Storey, 1993).Likewise, to unite the Betawi community, the local government needed to spread the myth of the need for unity by upholding the Islamic position in Jakarta, which experienced political instability.Through ondel-ondel, the message delivered to the young generation is that they are the nation's hope and have good morality to reflect Islam.Broadly speaking, it seems to follow the saying "Don't say you are Betawi, if you are not Muslim".
The Islamic model was introduced to the Betawi community.After quite some time, enduring various criticisms and suggestions, an Islamic model was created, which could be accepted as a symbol of the glorious morals owned by the Betawi people.These negotiations also did not take place drastically although the Betawi people tended to be tolerant, so they did not oppose the "Islamization" of ondel-ondel.The authorities provided a rational interpretation to justify this policy because it was to maintain the unity of the people and the immigrant communities living in Jakarta.Based on Barthes' viewpoint, this case occurred deliberately different from the interpretation of the existing markers.Referring to Barthes, this interpretation included a stolen language, which the local government utilized ondel-ondel as an icon of "Islamizing".

Commercial Model
As part of national development, the tourism sector has played an important role as one of the driving powers of national economic growth since 1975 (Yakup, 2019).Therefore, ondel-ondel has started to be used as a tourist attraction (Khoiri, 2016).Its appearances and performances often attract attention and invite people to enjoy it.Sometimes the audience gives money to ondel-ondel as an appreciation of their hard work, while dynamically dancing during the festival such as Jakarta's birthday, Kirab Budaya, With these advantages, institutions are willing to hire a complete ondel-ondel for a certain purpose.
To meet the demands from the tourism sector, ondel-ondel was utilized to intensify the excitement and income of the community.To attract the audience more, the costume elements were made to be more sellable.The male ondel-ondel, originally horrifying, became friendlier and more humane with a big smile.The makers gave the female blush and eyeshadow, dimples, curled lashes, and earrings.Due to commercialization, ondelondel was given the freedom to exist in an unlimited number of forms.There is a possibility that ondel-ondel can be used as a portrait of a beautiful and handsome Betawi that is pious, polite, gentle, clever in reciting, proficient in martial arts, modern, and contemporary.
The commissioned ondel-ondel often broke the rules of the existing costume elements so that the forms, colors, and placements in the ondel-ondel lose their meaning.The mass ondel-ondel in the parade appear as beautiful as possible with various shapes (sizes, elements of costumes, and colors).Ondel-ondel was shown diversely, without any rules.The relationship between symbolic signs in the commercial model has a role in the successful commercialization of all sectors in Jakarta.The ondel-ondel commercial model's paradigmatic relationship relates the continuity and changes to the elements of a costume in the commercial model and the previous model.The elements used and with experienced continuity as well as changes are the coconut flower, handlebar/crown, mask, cukin, toka-toka, sash, clothing, belt, and jamblang fabric.Meanwhile, the spirit of freedom in making ondel-ondel commercial models has led to anomalies in the emergence of the ondel-ondel child form.The ondel-ondel commercial model's syntagmatic relationship came into being because of the need to functionalize the Islamic model in different ideologies and forms that experience continuity and change.
The commercial model was born derived from a longing for a new meaning that represents the hope of prosperity for the Betawi, which was based on the commercialization of all aspects of life.In the syntagmatic relationship, it is realized that the commercial model carries a message of increasing business and income for the people.The connotation was the ondel-ondel looked "commercialized".The myth seems natural and contains the ideology of improving people's welfare by commercializing ondel-ondel without abandoning tradition (Figure 8).The costume elements that had changed from the Islamic to the commercial model were: 1) Coconut flower: different colors with the pair, not uniform and metallic colors appearing with additional decorations at the ends in the form of flowers or paper balls.2) Stangan: various decorative motives, traditional and pop with current trendy themes and also with bright and contrasting colors.3) Mask: looked increasingly human-like.The male is given a smile with a mustache and neatly lined white teeth-the smiling woman has dimples, full make up, and earrings.Fiber masks are more popular due to the price and time saving.4) Tokatoka: very vast shapes with and without pomegranate seed decorations, used as a promotional means for studio owners.Toka-toka was treated as a mere meaningless neck ornament.5).The sash or scarf was used out of the improperly (the correct way is from the left shoulder to the right hip).There were several variations of motifs, plaid and Javanese batik, weaving, and plain colors.6) Clothing: the color depends on the order.Street ondelondel pairs often wear the same color of clothing to save costs.7) Belts on the male ondel-ondel are sometimes used, sometimes not.8) Jamblang fabric no longer uses Betawi batik because it is difficult and expensive, often replaced by plain or other Javanese batik fabric.9) Music accompaniment: a combination of music playing Betawi and pop songs.The music accompaniment wears a bright color depending on the commission, while the street music accompaniment wears ordinary clothes.10) Amount: ondel-ondel consisted of more than a pair both in the form of performing arts and decorations.11) Size: very diverse, tailored to consumer demand.12) Media transfer: ondel-ondel images are applied to other media such as scarves, wall hangings, souvenirs, cloth motives, birthday cakes, and so on.13) Anomaly: ondel-ondel have children and can appear incomplete without a body (only the head).
To meet the market needs, the commercial model was made more sophisticated.This ondel-ondel was used to gather crowds in Betawi cultural events as promotional commodities, decorations of entrances, stages, and the local identity.After the economic crisis in 1998, the local government changed the interpretation from the previous ondel-ondel as a pious and religious Muslim figure.According to Barthes' stolen language, the local government stole ondel-ondel to be used as a new marker as a secular figure to shape it according to market tastes or commissions.Ondel-ondel has become an icon of modernity, a cosmopolitan Betawi icon that is modern and commercial.Through this naturalization, the Islamic ondel-ondel model's face was transformed into the freeform face of the ondel-ondel commercial model.Since the commercial model was very free to manufacture, it can be said that the stolen elements come from all the previously developed ondel-ondel models plus new creations.
All costume elements were combined into one form: the commercial model through a distortion process.This ondel-ondel myth was then popularized through ideological actualization in Betawi public events, such as Indonesia's Independence Day on August 17, the Indonesian People's Culture Kirab, and so on.Over time, the Betawi people considered the commercial model's ondel-ondel as normal, legitimate, and right.The local government used the market ideology in ondel-ondel, fulfilling commercialization and trade needs, which can be felt through the "freedom" of appearance given to ondel-ondel.The negotiation happened in ondel-ondel in market ideology involving the local government as policymakers (rulers), actors of the ondel-ondel art (producers), the Betawi people themselves as art connoisseurs, and consumers.
The market ideology was full of "commissions", which means that the market's desire or commission determines the artistic decisions.The meanings and classical standards or norms previously found in ondel-ondel were ignored to satisfy market desires and economic demands for the craftsmen and artists.Along with the disappearance of these norms, the ideal standards of artists and craftsmen also faded.Thus, creating was no longer a daily pulse.The creative process happened a lot when there were donors.
The commercial model conveys the message of increased commerce and revenue through the commercialization of ondel-ondel.The connotation is it appeared "commercialized".This myth seems natural and contains the ideology of increasing people's welfare by commercializing ondel-ondel without leaving the tradition.In reality, the ondel-ondel tradition is mostly violated in the commercial ondel-ondel model.The continuity and changes in the costume elements in the commercial model that were packaged following this order created a market ideology.A market ideology is a vortex of freedom of creation or high community creativity to produce various ondel-ondel colors and shapes.When the costume elements and colors in ondelondel are only used for fun, aesthetics, and emphasis, the traditional meanings and values of it will disappear by themselves.Market forces control the craftsmen in creating ondel-ondel forms.The ondel-ondel, originally a pair, now appears in more than a pair, even in large numbers in parade formats.Ondel-ondel in the market ideology provides a humorous, modern, and cheerful association.
The discussion results and findings above can be illustrated with a scheme as below (Figure 9).Ondel-ondel resulted from art and culture that can be analyzed with the synchronic theory and diachronic changes in history.The three ondel-ondel models were analyzed by using Roland Barthes' myth theory, naturalization, and ideology, while the barongan model was only used as a research background.An important finding related to the ideology was that changes in the ideology vortex (ideology of development, religion, and market) were controlled by the main ideology, called the authority ideology.This Betawi ruling elite group consists of several rulers who can work together to create a political, economic, social, and religious consensus to maintain the integrity of the Betawi community.

CONCLUSION
Through the continuity of and changes to costume elements of ondel-ondel, I identified three ondel-ondel models based on the "original" barongan model used as background research: the personification model, the Islamic model, and the commercial model, wherein each model brought their own ideology.
In the personification model, ondel-ondel was reborn as a Betawi icon through the power of Jakarta's ruling elite, as part of Jakarta's identity creation in the development phase.Ondel-ondel has become a unifying symbol in the development ideology.The Islamic ondelondel model presents an image of religious Betawi in reflection of the ruling elite's efforts to reharmonize with the Betawi Muslim people through influential Muslim figures.The image of polite and religious Betawi people is part of the religious ideology.In the commercial model, the economic elite have significant influence because of people's dreams of prosperity, which make ondel-ondel's commercialization dominant.Ondel-ondel has become an icon of modernity and cosmopolitan living, which is the result of market ideology.
Ondel-ondel was used as a campaign medium for success in presenting an ideology.Once established, the ideology became a cultural construction by the rulers to ensure their existence through identity, politics, religion, economy, and culture.The changes of the costume elements in ondel-ondel were influenced by the fact that there has been a change in culture or traditions, both physically (in place) and non-physically (knowledge of ondel-ondel).Ondel-ondel, which was originally part of the Betawi culture, has now turned into a cultural platform for the rulers' existence.

Figure 1 .
Figure 1.Structure and Costume Elements of the Ondel-ondel

Figure 5 .
Figure 5. Structure and Costume Elements of the Ondel-ondel Personification Model as the Head of the DKI Jakarta Culture and Tourism Office and a public figure as the Coordinator of the Jakarta Islamic Dakhwah Islamiyah Coordination (KODI)(Wahidiyat, 2019), is authorized by the central government to resolve events related to Betawi Muslims.Based on his instruction, the Islamic model of ondelondel wearing cukin appeared in Betawi arts and culture activities with an Islamic flavor, one of which was Betawi Lebaran.Sash was replaced by cukin, reminding us of the pious youths of the pesantren or the famous Betawi warrior, Pitung.Both accessories give the impression that the male ondel-ondel looks pious and Islamic.The Islamic ondel-ondel model had served to reconcile the relationship between the rulers and Muslims in the tragic violence.This model was formed to maintain unity with the authorities.The female ondel-ondel got an additional kebaya dress, which added flavor to the appearance of None (= miss) Betawi.The syntagmatic relationship in the Islamic ondel-ondel model was the function of the ondel-ondel personification model in different ideologies and forms adapted to its function.

Figure 7 .
Figure 7. Structure and Costume Elements of the Islamic Ondel-ondel Model

Figure 8 .
Figure 8. Structure and Costume Elements of the Ondel-ondel Commercial Model . The process of creating the Betawi tradition was initiated by the ruling elite group in the local government, which Ali Sadikin led.It lifted up Betawiness (kebetawian) in order to color Jakarta with local traditions but experienced many obstacles and conflicts.The second group is the Betawi Cultural Institute (LKB), which represents the community and acts as a liaison between the Local Government and the Betawi people (Betawi Kota or Tengah as the political and religious elite).LKB is fully funded by the local government, making it reliant on donors.The third group is practitioners or artists, dominated by the Betawi Pinggir.